Monday 7 September 2015

Smartphone Wars

With the announcement of new models of iPhone and as a long time consumer of Apple products, I thought it was about time that I became acquainted with the market leader (in terms of numbers sold): The Android Phone.

Essentially smartphone buyers have two main choices: Buy Apple at a considerable premium and join Apple’s ecosystem with its walled garden approach to apps and services or buy an Android variant which, at the budget end, is considerably cheaper but is effectively locked in to Google’s world.

I have recently had the opportunity to use a Motorola Moto E 2nd gen 4G smartphone and pit it against my now nearly 3 year old iPhone 5. First impressions were good, really quite good. The 4.5 inch screen, a whole 0.5 inch bigger than my iPhone 5, was bright and clear and the phone responsive. Most of the apps I used on the iPhone were available in some form for the Moto E through Google Play and installed without fuss and worked well.

So clearly I had fallen into the trap of being an Apple fanboi and had been wasting my money all these years on keeping Apple’s shareholders happy. Google’s free operating system and the wizards at Motorola (now Lenovo) had produced a perfectly adequate phone for less than a quarter of the price I paid for my iPhone 5.

Or had I? As I started to become familiar with Android, I noticed a number of frustrating limitations which impacted on the user’s privacy and security.

Firstly, having read recently of Stagefright and other security vulnerabilities affecting smartphone OSs, I was keen to update my new Moto E with the latest Android 5.1 which would keep me safer. Trying to do so through the phone I was told that the installed OS 5.0.2 was up-to-date. Not so according to Motorola’s website which informed me that 5.1.1 was available for the Moto E, though the company’s chat support could offer no date as to when the update (first released in November 2014) would be available through OTA in the UK. Contrast this with Apple whose iPhone users update rate is much faster and easier.

Google themselves are reasonably quick at issuing updates for Android but the need for these to be tailored for the hundreds of handset variants and to get these to customers through manufacturers and often via carriers means that improvements can take many months to reach consumer’s phones if they ever do. What incentive is there for manufacturers/carriers to spend money on maintaining last year’s model when they can sell you this year’s?

Another frustration is the way Android handles app permissions. In iOS, permissions for things like notifications and location can be changed through Settings on an app by app basis. However in Android you are shown what permissions an app will demand on installation but are given no opportunity to change these through the OS either at install time or subsequently. Apps are available to allow tweaking of app permissions but these seem to be hard to use and unpredictable in outcome.

I tend to buy apps from different countries which may be restricted to local app stores. In iOS I can do this by having more than one iTunes account and switch between them as required. Not an ideal situation but manageable. However in Android, at least using Google Play, app availability seems to depend on location determined by IP address regardless of which Google account you are using. This means resorting to a VPN to spoof country of origin to just download regionally restricted apps.


So will I ditch my expensive addiction to Apple iPhones? Probably not yet while the competition seems to provide a product that shortchanges customer’s privacy and security.

Sunday 29 March 2015

The future of privacy in Australia after the data retention act


The future of privacy in Australia after the data retention act

Now that the data retention legislation has been passed into law, it is worth reflecting on what potential developments may result once it is active. The inadequacies of the bill have been discussed widely but a number of things stand out which may have a bearing on future developments.

The fact that the present law will not capture OTT traffic such as Gmail and Facebook significantly impacts on the efficacy of data retention. Senator Brandis believes that collecting data on some individuals (innocent citizens and dumb criminals in the most part) is better than none but when it becomes clear that this is not catching the terrorists/criminals, expect some significant tightening in this area.

Evidence based law has not been a strong point in the data retention debate so far and that is unlikely to change. The fact that mandatory data retention hasn't been proved effective is unlikely to stop its extension. It will only take another event involving serious political violence in Australia for the call to go out to widen the scope of data retention.

The UK exemplar may yet become the template for Australia. The Communications Data Bill (otherwise known as the Snoopers' Charter), first introduced in 2012, mandates retaining the browsing history of all UK residents. To date the UK parliament has not been convinced, however if a Conservative majority government is returned in the general election in May 2015, this legislation is slated to proceed unimpeded by the constraints of coalition with the Liberal Democrats who currently oppose the bill.

It is also interested to observe that both the ALP and UK Labour Party mooted data retention legislation when in office but got cold feet as elections approached. It would seem clear that in both countries only the minor parties (with some noble exceptions in the UK case) have the required technical competence and commitment to placing a high value on the privacy of the citizen.

So where do we go from here? I expect that citizens who value privacy online will take steps (either deliberately or incidentally) to minimize their exposure to data retention by using communications media which use OTT services. Privacy and surveillance are international in their reach and users will continue to demand that major providers like Apple and Google design their systems to be as immune to bulk surveillance as possible. There may be room in the mass market for new players. Surveillance by governments is international too (e.g. NSA and five eyes) and we can expect that the cat will continue to play with the mouse. The FBI for example is currently demanding that the US government insist the Apple create a backdoor in their encrypted iMessage service.

The implementation phase of the data retention act which translates the broad definitions (defined in the act) of data to be captured into actual instructions for ISPs would appear not to be open to public scrutiny so citizens may not be allowed to know the detail of the data being captured. The act however does make provision for citizens to request a report of their retained data although how granular this will be has yet to be seen. The opaque nature of the relationship between domestic law enforcement agencies and those charged with national security further blurs the picture when it comes to privacy.

Those requiring their communications to be private as part of professional privilege may need to adopt counter-surveillance methods to retain the privacy their clients expect and deserve. This will not only apply to journalists (the fig leaf provisions in the act offer no meaningful protection to journalists or their sources) but also to the law and medical professions. This will require a major change of mindset in these last two sectors which may not come about until sensitive data records are subject to court subpoena or when a data breach occurs.

The EU’s Court of Justice (CJEU) 2014 ruling on mandatory data retention gives some support to those who believe that this form of surveillance does not pass the proportionality test and should not form the basis of national legislation. The current UK DRIPA law which re-activates those aspects of mandatory data retention struck down by the CJEU ruling is currently being challenged in the UK High Court.

The rapid changes which come from the introduction of the internet have meant that in the short term at least, people have become accustomed to accepting less privacy. Law enforcement agencies need to do their job so absolute privacy is neither possible nor desirable. However privacy is a fundamental right, the loss of which will only be noticed once it's gone. Many believe that mass surveillance will eventually be seen as both ineffective and morally wrong. The question is how long will this take and what dangers do we face in the meantime?

Trying to get a perspective on all of this (and I haven't even mentioned corporate surveillance) can be hard but there many who seek to explain. One of the most respected of these is Bruce Schneier who in his recent book “Data and Goliath” examines privacy and surveillance in authoritative detail. It's aimed at a general audience and is well worth reading if you want to know more.

Here is a quote:

Nevertheless, the threats of surveillance are real, and we’re not talking about them enough. Our response to all this creeping surveillance has largely been passive. We don’t think about the bargains we’re making, because they haven’t been laid out in front of us. Technological changes occur, and we accept them for the most part. It’s hard to blame us; the changes have been happening so fast that we haven’t really evaluated their effects or weighed their consequences. This is how we ended up in a surveillance society. The surveillance society snuck up on us.
It doesn’t have to be like this, but we have to take charge.






Monday 12 January 2015

Australian communications data retention legislation

Submission to the Australian Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Amendment (Data Retention) Bill

1. Introduction

Over the past several years Australian parliaments have considered how legislation should enable law enforcement and security agencies to do their work in a rapidly changing communications environment. At a time when there is a heightened awareness of threats from terrorism, it is important that legislators carefully consider any new laws intended to make us safer and not pass laws that threaten freedoms that up to now we have taken for granted.

In 2012 the previous administration sought views from the PJCIS regarding data retention, with proposals relying heavily on the EU Data Retention Directive as an exemplar. Since that time, the Court of Justice of the EU has found data retention undermines the right to privacy and therefore attempting to base Australian legislation using EU law as a template no longer presents such a convincing case.

In the 2012 enquiry many respondents had serious concerns regarding data retention. These concerns have not diminished; indeed with the better understanding today of the pervasiveness of metadata, these concerns are heightened.

In 2015 we are again considering mandating metadata retention with a Bill that I believe in its current form is essentially flawed.

  • Blanket mandatory data retention will fundamentally change the relationship between the government and the citizen.

  • The vulnerabilities introduced by data retention will damage the state of our national security and will make Australians MORE vulnerable and LESS secure.

  • In adopting data retention, Australia will be ignoring the fundamental rights to privacy and data protection as exemplified by the recent ruling of the Court of Justice of the EU.
  • The Bill does not adequately test the notion of proportionality in sacrificing the privacy of citizens in order to better detect criminality.
  • It will be expensive and ineffective.

I am concerned because this Bill will mandate Carriage Service Providers to retain customer metadata for a period of 2 years. This will require them to create, collect and store metadata on all customers and make it available in near real-time to Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs) and other bodies nominated by the A-G. This metadata is in excess of what communications providers currently store for commercial purposes.

Targeted communications surveillance, undertaken by LEAs via warrant, is a necessary and effective weapon in fighting serious crime including terrorism. However unwarranted blanket data retention is fraught with dangers and represents a step change in powers that citizens would be required cede to government.

The proposals outlined in the Bill lack proportionality and if enacted will sacrifice the privacy of all Australians for no commensurate and demonstrable improvement in the capacity to detect serious offences. The capture of metadata would in theory enable automated profiling of each citizen with a chilling effect on democracy and perceived freedom of expression. Parallels with Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon are all too real. We risk sleepwalking into a surveillance society.

There is a lack of clarity in the oversight and management of the retained data and indeed the metadata itself is not even defined but left to be prescribed by regulation.

Far from making us safer, data retention will make us more vulnerable. The Bill as currently drafted will give rise to many unintended consequences.

2. It's only metadata, it's not content


The average person will generate a significant amount of metadata each day which reveals a lot about their private lives. A bit like the front of an envelope analogy?
To give you an idea of how fatuous this distinction is, the embarrassing contents of your medical records are “content” and require a warrant, but the fact that you placed a call to a GP clinic on Monday, were emailed by a pathology lab on Wednesday, Googled for pharmacies near work, and then spent the next three days trying to Skype ex-girlfriends, is metadata – and doesn’t need a warrant.

With the proposed retention period of 2 years, the metadata will become a honeypot for civil litigants who may seek court orders. This could include family law and commercial disputes.

It has even been suggested (PwC questionnaire to Communications Alliance 24 Dec 2014) that CSPs could make commercial use of the metadata they collect.

The UN General Assembly 2014 report 'Promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism' makes this observation (s8.53):

By combining and aggregating information derived from communications data, it is possible to identify an individual’s location, associations and activities (see A/HRC/23/40, para. 15). In the absence of special safeguards, there is virtually no secret dimension of a person’s private life that would withstand close metadata analysis. Automated data-mining thus has a particularly corrosive effect on privacy.

3. Citizens not suspects


Mandatory blanket data retention is massive invasion of privacy and if enacted will fundamentally change the relationship between government and the citizen. It will have a chilling effect on democracy. We will all become suspects not citizens.

The idea that the government is entitled to watch all of us is fundamentally wrong. It is neither necessary nor proportionate in handling the challenges posed by terrorism and serious crime and I believe constitutes an unacceptable incursion into the civil liberties of each and every Australian.

The Bill makes no provision for the exception of professional privilege so that metadata associated with:

  • lawyers and their clients
  • doctors and their patients
  • journalists and their contacts
  • Members of Parliament and their correspondents
will be able to be collected, accessed and analyzed along with everything else.

The use of the UK's RIPA law by police to intercept journalists' phone records illustrates the problems of overreach that poorly drafted law can produce.

The Law Council of Australia does not support mandatory data retention.

4. Security


At present there are around 600 Carriage Service Providers (including ISPs and telcos) operating in Australia. The regime of data retention proposed by the Bill, with CSPs creating and maintaining their own individual databases, with the consequent lack of uniform security and vetting procedures, will inevitably result in the data being compromised at some point. It has been suggested that for cost reasons some CSPs may be compelled store the captured metadata on cloud services hosted overseas thus compounding the problem.

As evidenced by many recent well publicised examples, security breaches of this kind can have disastrous and unforeseen consequences.

Any Australian with a digital footprint (that's just about all of us) will potentially be at risk of attack from hostile groups or foreign nations. This Bill will create multiple targets for criminals to exploit stored metadata to undertake identity fraud, blackmail or just create chaos.

The vulnerabilities introduced by data retention will damage the state of our national security and will make Australians MORE vulnerable and LESS secure.


5. Effectiveness

Those who wish to circumvent the proposed law have the means to evade detection and will do so in increasing numbers if the Bill becomes law. This will inevitably result in reduced efficacy for targeted surveillance. As the Communications Alliance submission to the committee states:

A recent search of the Apple Store, for example, revealed no fewer than 267 secure messaging applications on offer – each of which is readily obtainable and potentially able to remove the user from the reach of the proposed data retention regime.

I understand that it is proposed that public WiFi hotspots will be exempted from the regulations thus further emasculating this ill-conceived legislation.

The US’s Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board found that there is little evidence that the metadata program has made the US safer.

The Bill assumes that all CSPs will be able to undertake the complex task of designing dynamic systems to retain a changing set of communications metadata, the details of which can be modified at any time by regulatory order. I believe most CSPs will be of the view that this will entail considerable ongoing effort (not being part of their core business) and come at a significant cost. Those drafting the Bill have given insufficient weight to this issue.

6. Data retention in the EU


In April 2014, the EU’s Court of Justice (CJEU) threw out a scheme equivalent to that proposed here, noting that metadata;

“...may allow very precise conclusions to be drawn concerning the private lives of the persons whose data has been retained, such as the habits of everyday life, permanent or temporary places of residence, daily or other movements, the activities carried out, the social relationships of those persons and the social environment.”

Most EU countries with the exception of the UK have or are in the process of changing national laws to reflect this judgement. European policy makers will need to think twice before proposing any data retention or mass surveillance program in the future. (Laws recently passed in the UK expanding the use of data retention run the real risk of failing to comply with the 2002 EU privacy directive and have yet to be tested).

Australia is travelling in the opposite direction.

7. Surveillance tax


The government has indicated that they are prepared to recompense CSPs for a proportion of costs incurred in meeting the requirements of the Bill. Taxpayers will pick up the tab for this. Remaining costs will be borne by ISPs and telcos who will pass this on to consumers. In the popular mind this will be dubbed the Surveillance Tax when added to their monthly bill.

8. PJCIS Hearings


As I understand it the Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security have been given until 27 February 2015 to report on the Bill. At its first public session on 17 December 2014, the A-G's department who is responsible for the passage of the Bill was still unable to provide a meaningful definition of the metadata to be captured by ISPs and telcos, without which no substantive estimates can be made regarding cost.

It is not clear whether either definitions or costing will be forthcoming before the JCIS is due to report at the end of February. How then will parliament be able to make an informed decision?

During evidence to the committee most of Australia’s law enforcement agencies were unable to say how many times phone and web data has been used to prevent serious crimes or terrorist attacks, or how many convictions resulted from requests.

The Bill proposes that the definition of metadata would be by regulatory instrument. This is vague and dangerous, with mission creep embedded in its mission statement. It is not good law.

9. Responsibility of parliament


When considering introducing laws which restrict freedoms in the name of national security, it is important that politicians do not pass knee-jerk legislation which they mistakenly believe will help the nation defend itself against terrorism and serious crime.

There are many laws already on the statue book which give LEAs the power to undertake targeted surveillance in pursuit of wrongdoers; there is little evidence to suggest that increasing the size of the haystack will result in the discovery of more needles.

Parliament needs to better test the question of proportionality before Australia embarks on a regime that will greatly erode the privacy of all Australians, introduce security vulnerabilities and impose significant costs.

The UN General Assembly 2014 report 'Promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism' makes this observation (s7.51):

The related principle of proportionality involves balancing the extent of the intrusion into Internet privacy rights against the specific benefit accruing to investigations undertaken by a public authority in the public interest.

I do not see that a convincing case has been made to show that this balance has been struck.

Recent surveys have shown that 80% of respondents ‘disapprove of the Australian Government being able to access their phone and internet records without a warrant’. I do not believe that, once acquainted with the facts, the great proportion of the Australian electorate will accept the unwarranted mass surveillance implicit in this Bill.

Brian Ridgway